The
post
next
in
importance
under
the
existing
war
conditions
was
that
of
Secretary
of
War.
The
first
man
to
hold
this
post
was
Simon
Cameron
of
Pennsylvania.
Cameron
was
very
far
from
being
a
friend
of
Lincoln's.
The
two
men
had
had
no
personal
relations
and
what
Lincoln
knew
of
him
he
liked
not
at
all.
The
appointment
had
been
made
under
the
pressure
of
the
Republicans
of
Pennsylvania,
a
State
whose
support
was,
of
course,
all
important
for
the
administration.
It
was
not
the
first
nor
the
last
time
that
the
Republicans
of
this
great
State,
whose
Republicanism
seems
to
be
much
safer
than
its
judgment,
have
committed
themselves
to
unworthy
and
undesirable
representatives,
men
who
were
not
fitted
to
stand
for
Pennsylvania
and
who
were
neither
willing
nor
able
to
be
of
any
service
to
the
country.
The
appointment
of
Cameron
had,
as
appears
from
the
later
history,
been
promised
to
Pennsylvania
by
Judge
Davis
in
return
for
the
support
of
the
Pennsylvania
delegation
for
the
nomination
of
Lincoln.
Lincoln
knew
nothing
of
the
promise
and
was
able
to
say
with
truth,
and
to
prove,
that
he
had
authorised
no
promises
and
no
engagements
whatsoever.
He
had,
in
fact,
absolutely
prohibited
Davis
and
the
one
or
two
other
men
who
were
supposed
to
have
some
right
to
speak
for
him
in
the
convention,
from
the
acceptance
of
any
engagements
or
obligations
whatsoever.
Davis
made
the
promise
to
Pennsylvania
on
his
own
responsibility
and
at
his
own
risk;
Lincoln
felt
under
too
much
obligation
to
Davis
for
personal
service
and
for
friendly
loyalty
to
be
willing,
when
the
claim
was
finally
pressed,
to
put
it
to
one
side
as
unwarranted.
The
appointment
of
Cameron
was
made
and
proved
to
be
expensive
for
the
efficiency
of
the
War
Department
and
for
the
repute
of
the
administration.
It
became
necessary
within
a
comparatively
short
period
to
secure
his
resignation.
It
was
in
evidence
that
he
was
trafficking
in
appointments
and
in
contracts.
He
was
replaced
by
Edwin
M.
Stanton,
who
was
known
later
as
"the
Carnot
of
the
War."
Stanton's
career
as
a
lawyer
had
given
him
no
direct
experience
of
army
affairs.
He
showed,
however,
exceptional
ability,
great
will
power,
and
an
enormous
capacity
for
work.
He
was
ambitious,
self-willed,
and
most
arbitrary
in
deed
and
in
speech.
The
difficulty
with
Stanton
was
that
he
was
as
likely
to
insult
and
to
browbeat
some
loyal
supporter
of
the
government
as
to
bring
to
book,
and,
when
necessary,
to
crush,
greedy
speculators
and
disloyal
tricksters.
His
judgment
in
regard
to
men
was
in
fact
very
often
at
fault.
He
came
into
early
and
unnecessary
conflict
with
his
chief
and
he
found
there
a
will
stronger
than
his
own.
The
respect
of
the
two
men
for
each
other
grew
into
a
cordial
regard.
Each
recognised
the
loyalty
of
purpose
and
the
patriotism
by
which
the
actions
of
both
were
influenced.
Lincoln
was
able
to
some
extent
to
soften
and
to
modify
the
needless
truculency
of
the
great
War
Secretary,
and
notwithstanding
a
good
deal
of
troublesome
friction,
armies
were
organised
and
the
troops
were
sent
to
the
front.
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In
July,
1864,
comes
a
fresh
risk
of
international
complications
through
the
invasion
of
Mexico
by
a
French
army
commanded
by
Bazaine,
seven
years
later
to
be
known
as
the
(more
or
less)
hero
of
Metz.
Lotus
Napoleon
had
been
unwilling
to
give
up
his
dream
of
a
French
empire,
or
of
an
empire
instituted
under
French
influence,
in
the
Western
Hemisphere.
He
was
still
hopeful,
if
not
confident,
that
the
United
States
would
not
be
able
to
maintain
its
existence;
and
he
felt
assured
that
if
the
Southern
Confederacy
should
finally
be
established
with
the
friendly
co-operation
of
France,
he
would
be
left
unmolested
to
carry
out
his
own
schemes
in
Mexico.
He
had
induced
an
honest-minded
but
not
very
clearheaded
Prince,
Maximilian,
the
brother
of
the
Emperor
of
Austria,
to
accept
a
throne
in
Mexico
to
be
established
by
French
bayonets,
and
which,
as
the
result
showed,
could
sustain
itself
only
while
those
bayonets
were
available.
The
presence
of
French
troops
on
American
soil
brought
fresh
anxieties
to
the
administration;
but
it
was
recognised
that
nothing
could
be
done
for
the
moment,
and
Lincoln
and
his
advisers
were
hopeful
that
the
Mexicans,
before
their
capital
had
been
taken
possession
of
by
the
invader,
would
be
able
to
maintain
some
national
government
until,
with
the
successful
close
of
its
own
War,
the
United
States
could
come
to
the
defence
of
the
sister
republic.
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Chapter
IV
